International media witnessed significant events in September 2022 with the death of Queen Elizabeth II and the subsequent coronation of King Charles III eight months later. Global citizens have closely observed the manner in which the United Kingdom’s regal institution establishes its authority by utilizing rituals that are linked to the past.
Sweden will commemorate the golden jubilee of King Carl XVI Gustaf during the weekend of September 15 and 16, 2023. This event represents a critical juncture in the nation’s history. A multitude of documentary programs have been developed. There is an abundance of publications and periodicals that have been published. There is documentation of the podcasting procedure. Since the 1970s, the Swedish monarchy has been able to secure public support and legitimacy as a result of its perceived independence from politics.
The establishment of this modern monarchy was initiated by constitutional amendments implemented in the 1970s that repudiated tradition and extravagance. The Swedish royal family and the British monarch receive substantially less international attention. In contrast to the British coronation ceremony, which is replete with religious symbolism and ritual sorcery, the Swedish coronation ceremony is distinguished by its monarchical minimalism. small.
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Our research has demonstrated that the royal family’s ongoing cultural and political significance in contemporary Sweden is specifically attributable to their lack of political influence. In the event that their popularity continues to decline in the future, the British royal family may find this intriguing.
In order to establish a low-key monarchy
Among the nine hereditary monarchies that persist in Europe, the Swedish monarchy has the least amount of authority and resources. In terms of politics, each European royal family is essentially impotent and has a negligible influence on the affairs of their respective administrations. However, the political and social significance and constitutional function that are assigned to it differ across nations.
In 1873, Sweden discontinued coronations in favor of a more straightforward and substantially more cost-effective inauguration, which resulted from the coronation of Oscar II. The monarch was not presented with the crown, sword, or sceptre, among other imperial regalia, which were on display.
In the 1950s, Sweden’s political parties came to agree on the necessity of constitutional reform. Nevertheless, the process of achieving consensus on the fundamental principles was a complex and time-consuming endeavor. A significant number of Social Democratic Party members supported the nation’s transition to republican status, while more traditionalist factions favored the preservation of the monarchy.
In August 1971, a cross-party committee of inquiry in Torekov, a coastal municipality in southern Sweden, achieved a consensus on the Torekov compromise.
Consequently, the nation was unable to transition to a republic while a president was elected. The succession would be maintained by the Bernadotte dynasty, and a constitutional monarchy would persist. In contrast, the monarch would surrender all constitutional authority, including the ability to nominate the prime minister, append his signature to governmental legislation, or oversee cabinet deliberations..
The monarchy was substantially diminished by the 1974 constitution of Sweden. Olof Palme, the former prime minister, declared, “Only a decorative plume remains.”
Palme was of the opinion that the monarchy could be abolished with minimal difficulty.
In 1979, the Swedish parliament implemented gender-neutral succession. This resulted in the royal couple’s firstborn, a girl, being prioritized over her sibling. The monarchy became contemporary by eliminating male-preference primogeniture. The social imperative for gender equality was readily apparent.
A typical (royal) household
The family’s commonplace nature, their “just like us” quality, was also emphasized by the media in the wake of the 1974 constitutional amendment.
Since the 1970s, royal anniversaries, marriages, births, and deaths have been depicted as occasions of national joy that are unrelated to politics and government, eliciting strong emotions and personal connections.
Since 1977, public service television has broadcast The Year with the Royal Family as a Christmas program. This program offers an overview of the royals’ daily rituals and ceremonial events. In a recurring scene from 1985, the family prepares sausages in the palace kitchen. The monarch is dressed in a red cardigan, while the children are wearing white aprons that match. Four years later, it is still being employed in media coverage.
Thousands of individuals and 3.2 million viewers were attracted to the live broadcast of Crown Princess Victoria and Daniel Westling’s 2010 wedding in Stockholm. The couple’s gender equality and modernity are the focal points of this poignant narrative. Westling, a personal trainer, was frequently referred to as a “man of the people.”
In an effort to render the royal family more relatable to the general public, these media representations have attempted to underscore their banal nature. Nevertheless, this ordinary quality paradoxically functions to substantiate their exceptional status. The fact that they are identical to us is remarkable, although this serves as evidence that they are not.
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This uniqueness is evident in the annual Nobel Prize ceremony. The monarch presents the medals on behalf of the Nobel Committee. In contrast, the royal females’ attire is the primary concern of pundits. According to media research, the monarch is the focal point of the televised Nobel banquet, serving as an aspirational symbol of traditional, ideal femininity and class.
In his 1995 book Banal Nationalism, British social psychologist Michael Billig elucidates the manner in which nationalism is perpetuated through the inconspicuous, everyday reminders of daily life.
In a similar vein, the term “banal royalism” could be used to describe the extent to which the Swedish royal institution manipulates the private lives of commoners in order to assert its superiority.
The royal family’s enduring influence and strong position in Swedish society can be attributed to two factors: their unremarkable existence and the monarch’s lack of political empowerment. The Torekov compromise preserved the monarchy’s leverage in addition to removing the authority of the Swedish royals.
However, this transformation could potentially be observed during the forthcoming golden jubilee. The restoration of the king’s formal authority and the reinstatement of royal ceremonies that were previously disregarded have been advocated for by nationalist Sweden Democrats.
These proposals may pose a threat to the monarchy due to their inclusion of politics. We are of the opinion that the potential for the reinstitution of political authority over this enduring national emblem could indicate its decline.
